Now comes the interesting part: watching the national Republican establishment work through its identity crisis and either coalesce around its presumptive nominee or splinter into factions.
The Republican National Committee has suggested in tweets that it has its presidential nominee, case closed. But key Republican politicians are saying, "Not so fast." House Speaker Paul Ryan isn't jumping on board with Trump and has offered to step aside from his role as the Republican Party's national convention chairman if Trump asks. Former Presidents George W. Bush and George H.W. Bush have refused to endorse Trump. Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker said he won't get behind a nominee who has called for barring Muslims and deporting all unauthorized immigrants. And Republican strategist Rory Cooper with the #NeverTrump movement told public radio's "On Point" he won't even let his children in the room when Trump is on the air.
#NeverTrump, a group composed of Republicans who have pledged never to support Trump, tweeted that he has put "even solid Republican states in the swing or Democratic column." Trump, however, argues that thanks to him, millions of people who never voted in Republican primaries before have now done so. #NeverTrump also says it aims to protect the party's "positions, principles and values." Which raises the questions: Is there a unified set of Republican values, and which of them does Trump not share?
There are rich fiscal conservatives in the party who are mostly concerned with their tax bills. There are fiscal conservatives concerned with how government spending (especially on social programs but not so much military ones) will increase the debt for future generations. There are libertarian Republicans who want fewer government regulations. There are isolationists who want to avoid international treaties, and others who want to avoid foreign wars. There are social conservatives, some of them religious-values voters opposed to gay marriage and abortion rights. And there are evangelical voters who also support environmental regulations and aid to the poor.
Some Republicans don't disagree with Trump so much as they dislike his vulgar way of campaigning. They don't want the Republican standard-bearer to be essentially a schoolyard bully who mocks women as pigs and slobs or objectifies them by bragging about marrying "a young and beautiful piece of ass." They don't think a man seeking to be the world's chief diplomat should concoct labels like Lying Ted, Crooked Hillary, Low-Energy Jeb or Little Marco for his competitors. For many Americans, this is a matter of basic dignity. One poll cited on NBC Nightly News found that Trump is viewed unfavorably by 69 percent of women, 88 percent of African-Americans, 79 percent of Latinos and 75 percent of voters under 35.
Another poll notes his disapproval by 67 percent of college graduates. No wonder Trump declared after his Nevada win that he loves "the poorly educated." His legions of primary voters seem to embrace his plain talk, barbs and low-syllable count. Such as: "This very expensive global warming bulls-- has got to stop." And "Bring back waterboarding and a hell of a lot worse." They don't mind quick, easy quips in place of answers, like when asked for details of his budget plan, "We will cut so much, your head will spin." And when pressed about releasing his tax returns by conservative radio and debate host Hugh Hewitt: "First of all, very few people listen to your radio show. That's the good news."
But is his childish crudeness much worse than a tea party member of Congress yelling "You lie!" during a presidential speech, or a group of them determined not to let President Barack Obama succeed as president? Is Trump so different in his beliefs and priorities from rivals who dropped out of the field?
The main policy differences may be in the past. Trump supported universal health care and the Iraq invasion before he didn't. He was pro-choice before he was pro-life. He was for banning assault weapons and requiring a waiting period and background checks on gun purchases before being against any limits on guns. Some Republicans see his entire campaign as smoke and mirrors.
The question is, where do Republicans go from here? Some opportunistic ones (Chris Christie comes to mind) will get behind him to advance their own prospects with the party. Others will do it to be team players. Trump has said since his Indiana win, he has heard from many now willing to support him who didn't before. Politics makes strange bedfellows.
But if everybody actually voted their conscience, it could prompt the party to do some soul-searching on what it really stands for. It could force a challenge to the two-party system's dominance, leading to the establishment of multiple parties representing different values but competing on an equal playing field. That way, Trump would actually have been good for democracy-not by being elected president, but by opening people's eyes to how off course our politics have strayed, with him as the party standard-bearer.